ADDRESS BY
MANGOSUTHU BUTHELEZI, MP
INKOSI OF THE BUTHELEZI CLAN
CHAIRMAN OF THE HOUSE OF TRADITIONAL LEADERS [KWAZULU NATAL]
AND UNDUNANKULU KAZULU
AUGUST 3, 2002
This meeting of the Zulu nation is held as a
combined Imbizo of all our clans. This meeting was called by all our amaKhosi
who convened last month and realized that the issues which they were
deliberating were of such importance that it had to be deferred to our whole
nation for guidance. Since time immemorial our nation has come together
whenever we need to reach that level of wisdom and leadership which can only be
achieved through our collegial deliberations. Together as a nation we can
achieve much greater wisdom, strength and resolve than in any other meeting or
venue.
This is one of those important times in which
we, the Zulu people, must come together to take cognisance of the events
surrounding us and together map the way forward as a nation. We are on the
threshold, leaving a place which has been long known to us and entering a new
one which remains unknown. However, we know well that we can no longer stay
where we were, as the place has become not only uncomfortable, but deeply wrong
and unsuited to the responsibilities which we bear to our Kingdom and the whole
of South Africa.
As we come together as a nation, we must at the
outset recognise that we are a nation and that, as a nation, we can
successfully overcome any difficulties if we promote our internal unity and we
act with reason and with wisdom. As we consider the present status of affairs,
my message to the Zulu nation is that of promoting even more our efforts to
achieve our internal unity under a common leadership and to act with wisdom,
prudence and within the parameters of the rule of law. We need unity and wisdom
to overcome the present difficulties.
After three years of promises nothing has yet
been done to address the concerns expressed by our nation in respect of
traditional leadership. The establishment of municipalities through the
elections of December 2000 has created the clash between the powers and
functions of traditional leadership and those of the municipalities. For years
before the December 2000 elections the very existence of this clash was
negated, camouflaged, denied and hidden. Those in government tried everything
they could to ensure that attention was not given to the fact that the
establishment of municipalities would have replaced the role played by
traditional authorities in all matters relating to the local governance of our
communities.
However, when the reality of this imminent
revolution in our system of rural government could no longer be denied, hidden
or camouflaged, as early as January 1999 promises began to be made that
legislation would be passed and that even the Constitution would be amended to
resolve the conflict between the powers and functions of municipalities and
those of traditional authorities. The President himself promised this
repeatedly and on several occasions. The Deputy President himself led the
delegation of Ministers which, on November 30, 1999, entered into an agreement
with the coalition of traditional leaders. This agreement was a fundamental
contract between traditional leaders and the government in terms of which
traditional leaders listed any of the objections they had to the holding of
municipal elections and fully co-operated in the electoral process, while the
government undertook to amend chapters 7 and 12 of the Constitution to remove
any obstacle which prevents traditional authorities from exercising local
government powers.
The Constitution was to be amended to open the
way to the passing of legislation which could finally address the concerns of
traditional leaders and fulfil the many promises which had been made to them in
previous years. However, soon after elections, the matter was dropped and no
significant step was taken to try to implement that agreement. No
constitutional amendment was formulated by government and no response was given
to the draft amendments formulated by traditional leaders and proposed to
government. The report which the Chairman of the National House of Traditional
Leaders and Deputy Chairman of the House of Traditional Leaders of KwaZulu
Natal places before this meeting of the Zulu nation clearly shows that after
three years there is no sign that any step has been taken to bring traditional
leadership within the formulae of governance of our country. We need to take
cognisance of this situation. It seems that we have reached the end of a road.
Traditional authorities are very important in
the complex formula on which one must rely to develop our rural areas. The
strengthening of traditional authorities as local government structures is
essential to promote development in rural areas. The fact that traditional
authorities are now cut out of local governance will serve to weaken rural
development. In the end it will be the poorest of the poor in rural areas who
will suffer.
For the past eight years I have raised the
concerns of traditional leaders in Cabinet. I presented several written
submissions and whenever I had the opportunity I spoke up to plead that the
concerns of traditional leaders be acknowledged and fulfilled. In my eight
years of service in the Cabinet of the new South Africa I have seen wondrous
reforms taking place. I have seen government tackling enormously complicated
issues and adopting extremely complex constitutional and legislative reforms.
We have restructured each and every field of governance. We created a very
complex system of municipal governance. We passed hundreds of laws. We even
changed the international relations and political dynamics of our continent,
becoming one of the engines which produced the miracle of the African Union and
the formulation of the continental plan for the recovery of our continent,
known as NEPAD. However, it is very sad for me to say that I have not seen any
energy nor any significant resources deployed to address the concerns of
traditional leaders. Efforts were made only in order to pacify traditional
leaders and ensure that they would not oppose that which government was
planning to do. However, with hindsight, it is clear that there was never any
intention to depart from the original plans.
This is not the first time that our nation is
faced with the reality of broken promises. The pattern has been repeated time
and again. As traditional leaders accepted to participate in the December 2000
elections after they received a promise from the Deputy President that the
Constitution would be amended, so did our nation accept to participate in the
April 1994 elections when we received a formal promise that international
mediation would resume as soon as possible after than election, to deal with
the issue of our Kingdom. The issue of our Kingdom, the recognition of our
Monarch, His Majesty the King of the Zulu nation, and the issue of traditional
leadership are closely intertwined and they are really different facets of the
same reality.
It is now clear, that there was never an
intention to accommodate this reality within the making of the new South
Africa. We need to take cognisance of this fact. We need to remember that
before the April 1994 elections the Zulu nation rallied behind its King who was
then pleading with the National Party Government, which was the government of
the day, to ensure that the transition to democracy would also bring about the
recognition of our Kingdom. Our people, in their thousands, were outside the
Union Buildings when His Majesty was meeting with the then President, FW de
Klerk. Our people were also present in their thousands when they marched in
support of our King in Johannesburg, and became the object of a massacre when
they peacefully walked past the ANC’s headquarters at Shell House.
We shall not forget that before 1994 it was His
Majesty who led the demands of all traditional leaders and of all his father’s
people for the recognition of our Kingdom. The fact that the issue was not
carried over after the 1994 election is partially ascribable to the fact that
the same leadership was not provided for several reasons, not least of which
are the many acts of manipulation and the many intrigues plotted by central
government representatives in the affairs of our Kingdom. We still remember
that it was one Sifiso Zulu who claimed to be a senior Prince and then
disappeared back into the same cloud of obscurity from whence he came, who
claimed to speak on behalf of the King and stated that the King no longer had
an interest in pursuing international mediation to provide recognition for our
Kingdom.
Recognition of our Kingdom is part of the
framework which would have enabled the issue of traditional leadership to be
resolved, as traditional leaders are the backbone of our Kingdom. However, the
promise of international mediation was blatantly dishonoured in spite of the
agreement which embodied it having been the real midwife of our democracy. That
agreement contained two promises in respect of which our country carries the
shame of a blatant breach of trust. In addition to the promise that
international mediation would resume as soon as possible after the elections,
that agreement contained a promise that a constitution would be drafted for
KwaZulu Natal to provide for its autonomy and to recognise the Kingdom.
It took about two years for that constitution to
be drafted and a long process of intense negotiations which involved both
national and provincial leaders. At the end, all political parties agreed to it
and the Constitution was unanimously adopted. However, the majority party
opposed its certification by the Constitutional Court rejecting that which it,
itself, had previously agreed to. This was another breach of trust especially
in light of the fact that the KwaZulu Constitution of 1995 made provision both
for the Kingdom and for amaKhosi.
In respect of all matters relating to our nation
it seems that the ruling Party has followed a systematic path of treachery
marked by broken promises. It seems that it has done so planning the steps
ahead since the beginning and biding its time until the right moment came to
pull the carpet out from under our feet. The same thing happened in respect of
the issue of the capital of this Province. In other provinces the capital was
declared right after the April 1994 elections in a process which gave
preference to less developed cities which were more representative of the needs
and aspirations of the majority of the province. Bisho, which was a city
artificially created within the parameters of apartheid, was preferred over
larger cities such as Port Elizabeth or King Williams Town to become the
capital of the Eastern Cape. The same happened in the other provinces.
For this reason, our traditional leaders wanted
Ulundi to be the capital of KwaZulu Natal, also taking into account that Ulundi
is not an artificial reality but is a reality rooted in history and part of our
legacy, as it was the last capital of our sovereign Kingdom. Its significance
and importance is closely tied to our Kingdom in addition to having important
value for the development of the northern parts of our Province where a large
segment of the poorest of the poor of our people reside. In 1994 the ruling
Party of KwaZulu Natal, the Inkatha Freedom Party, had the power to declare
Ulundi the capital of KwaZulu Natal. It was my intention that that would
happen. However, as you will remember, at the time I was being severely
criticized with completely false allegations that I was interfering in the
affairs of the Province and taking decisions by remote control.
My decision would have been to declare Ulundi
the capital right there and then. However, the then Premier of KwaZulu Natal,
Dr FT Mdlalose, desired to enter into a different agreement. He did not do that
which he had the power to do and decided to defer the decision to a process
which could lead to an all-inclusive agreement. A special commission was
appointed to look into the issue, headed by Mr Radcliffe Cadman, former
Administrator of the Province of Natal. The Cadman Commission resolved that
both Ulundi and Pietermaritzburg would need to serve as the capitals and that
meetings of the Legislatures and Cabinet would alternate between the two
cities, pending a referendum on the matter.
Both the IFP and the ANC agreed to abide by the
recommendation of the Cadman Commission and not to take any decision against
it. However, in May this year the ANC broke this agreement and proceeded to
force a resolution through the Legislature which declared Pietermartizburg the
ordinary seat of the Legislature, thereby forcing the Premier of KwaZulu Natal
to declare Ulundi as the ordinary seat of Cabinet. The Premier took this
decision to restore the dignity of Ulundi because the decision to move the
Legislature to Pietermaritzburg could have had very negative effects on the
development of the northern parts of our Province.
Furthermore, many of us felt that the
downgrading of Ulundi would have been almost akin to a second burning of the
capital of our Kingdom and the second destruction of our Kingdom. The ruling
Party had often given political notice that it regarded Ulundi as a symbol of
our national pride which had to be destroyed. In 1993, it committed itself to
march on Ulundi, a threat which it never fulfilled, not for lack of political
will but because it received clear advice that there was no way a march on
Ulundi could have succeeded in achieving its purposes and would have backfired.
In the end, it was the will of the people of Ulundi and of amaKhosi which
prevented the planned march on Ulundi, not any measure of respect for what
Ulundi stands for and the will of the majority of the people of this Province.
KwaZulu Natal has become a battlefield for
democracy, the rule of law, and dignity and morality in politics. We must
uphold these values. We will triumph only if these values are upheld. We must
respect these values and the will of the people even when others do not. You
have all heard about this legislation which has been passed to enable Members
of Parliament and those of Provincial Legislatures to cross the floor. The
legislation allows people who have been elected in one Party to become members
of another Party, to cross the floor within a 15 day window period.
When they cross the floor they carry with them
their seat and all the votes which were cast to elect them. This means that
although the people of this Province elected the Inkatha Freedom Party to be
its government, another political party can now lure away its elected
representatives through legitimate and illegitimate incentives, bribes and
promises, so that this Province may end up having a different government which
was not elected by the people. We know that the elections of 1994 in this
Province were the product of very serious irregularities. We also know that
very serious irregularities were discovered in the 1999 elections. It was only
because such irregularities were discovered after the deadline that the IEC
could not deal with them. However, what is now taking place exceeds all the
irregularities performed during the electoral process to twist the will of the
people. The crossing of the floor legislation allows people to steal the
election after the election has taken place, without even having to bother to
perpetrate fraud during the electoral process. It is a very concerning sign of
the times.
At present the situation is very confusing
because the effects of the crossing of the floor legislation have been
suspended until the Constitutional Court passes judgement on its
constitutionality. There is uncertainty on the outcome of the Constitutional
Court case. Even though the law may be declared constitutional, those who tried
to cross the floor may have done so illegally because the law was suspended.
Conversely, in its wisdom, the Constitutional Court may end up making an order
dealing with the situation in a manner which cannot be predicted. Irrespective
of whatever the judgement on constitutionality may be, there is no doubt that
throughout the country a wave of moral indignation has already risen against
this legislation. The people have passed their judgement and declared this
legislation morally repugnant and against their will.
Until now the province of KwaZulu Natal has had
the benefit of a government which was sympathetic to traditional leaders. This
government was the reflection of the majority of the people of our Province who
are sympathetic to traditional leaders. However, if through the crossing of the
floor legislation this Province ends up having a government which is not
sympathetic to traditional leadership, then the will of the people will be
frustrated. The ruling party has given political notice that it intends to
establish the premiership of Mr S’bu Ndebele as soon as possible and on the
strength of the votes of those who crossed the floor towards it. I have no
doubt that the purpose of installing a new premier would be that of changing
the many policies that our Province has in place to assist traditional
leadership and strengthen our Kingdom.
Also in this respect, it seems that a plan has
been meticulously pursued. In fact, before the July 1999 election the then
Deputy President, Thabo Mbeki, offered me the position of Deputy President of
South Africa after the elections. After the elections he confirmed to me that I
could take up the position of Deputy President. A few days later he asked me to
meet with him and when I arrived at his house I was informed that a delegation
from KwaZulu Natal, led by Mr S’bu Ndebele had just left and that from that
meeting it emerged that I could only take up the Deputy Presidency if I were
willing to give up the premiership of KwaZulu Natal to Mr S’bu Ndebele.
I indicated that the premiership of KwaZulu
Natal was not for me to give up as it belonged to the people of KwaZulu Natal
who had chosen their own Premier and the Party which should lead them forward.
On that basis, I had to decline the Deputy Presidency, and I accepted the offer
to continue to serve as the Minister of Home Affairs. However, it is clear that
the same objective was pursued through other means and that now we are again
faced with the situation in which the premiership of KwaZulu Natal is sought
not through free and fair elections, but through trickery and manipulation.
We are faced with a situation in which promises
have been dishonoured and the rule of law has been broken. As a nation, we must
react by promoting honour in politics and maintaining the rule of law.
Democracy is taking root in South Africa, slowly but surely. We need to ensure
that we do everything possible to achieve our national goals within the
boundaries of the Constitution and by respecting the rule of law. We need to
reject any provocation. We need to ensure that violence will never again become
a part of the political dynamics of KwaZulu Natal. We have never espoused
violence. We have always been the victim of violence. I abhor violence.
Violence will produce nothing but more violence. It is only by respecting the
rule of law that we can muster the moral strength to force all our people to
respect the rule of law and preserve democracy.
Since the time of the Battle of Ulundi, the
enemies of the Zulu nation could overcome us because the Zulu nation was
divided. Indeed, even during the Battle of Ulundi our nation was divided. It is
a record of history that the invading British troops were supported by about
15,000 Zulus raised from and trained within the areas surrounding the missions,
especially around Pietermaritzburg. Our nation will only be able to achieve its
goals and fulfil its responsibilities to democracy and South Africa if we
achieve our political unity. Since 1996, I have been calling for the unity of
the Zulu nation. Now more than ever it is important that the unity of our
nation is achieved by closing ranks and rallying around the call for the
recognition of our Kingdom and the fulfilment of the promises made to amaKhosi.
It is important that all those gathered here
today spread a message among all the people of our Province, calling on them to
become aware and politically active. In the end, only through the political
process will any and all of the problems of our Kingdom be solved. The problems
we are experiencing are created by political processes in which there is not
sufficient political will to address them. We can only solve the problems by
changing the political will. Only the people can change the political will.
You, the people of this Province, you, the citizens of our Kingdom, must become
ready to make your voice heard through the political process.
The present times are difficult. There are no
easy solutions. These are the times in which our nation comes together. At
these times, we need to invoke our collegial wisdom. We need to speak openly to
one another to hear and listen to what we expect of one another. People must
hear what their leadership expects of them to move the nation forward. The
people must speak up to tell their leadership what they expect of it. It is
time for the people to take up the responsibility to speak up and be heard. It
is time for the leadership to listen up and live up to the importance of the
role which is bestowed upon them.
These are the times in which we must come
together with strength and with soul, but with pragmatism. It is the time to be
firm, but also the time to be cool-headed. Future events are likely to create
portentous changes in South Africa in our fledgling democracy. We can neither
anticipate nor direct those changes, but we must be ready to ride the wave they
create and be sure that we are protagonists of those changes, as a nation which
is united by common leadership and shared goals. Now is the time for our nation
to come together and fulfil the full measure of its responsibilities to our
Kingdom and to South Africa.
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